Led by Rahul Gandhi and K.C. Venugopal, Congress is reviving its street politics and uniting the opposition to safeguard constitutional institutions, despite electoral challenges and criticism from the ruling BJP.

Led by Rahul Gandhi and K.C. Venugopal, Congress is reviving its street politics and uniting the opposition to safeguard constitutional institutions, despite electoral challenges and criticism from the ruling BJP.

Led by Rahul Gandhi and K.C. Venugopal, Congress is reviving its street politics and uniting the opposition to safeguard constitutional institutions, despite electoral challenges and criticism from the ruling BJP.

After leading the freedom struggle and coming to power, the Congress had little reason to take to the streets in protest. Decades in government gradually dulled its agitational instincts, leaving a party more accustomed to wielding power than challenging it. Now, 12 years after losing power at the Centre, the grand old party is rediscovering the streets, entering one of the most protest-intensive phases in its post-Independence history.

At the heart of this revival are two leaders who play distinctly different but complementary roles. Rahul Gandhi provides the energy and public face of the Congress's street politics, while K C Venugopal is the organisational force steering the movement, coordinating its campaigns and keeping the party machinery in motion.

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Venugopal's own journey into agitational politics has its roots in a defining episode in 1989. As president of the Kerala Students Union (KSU), he was brutally assaulted at the Nandavanam police camp, an incident that became a turning point in his political career. Nearly four decades later, the man who was once at the receiving end of police brutality is helping lead and coordinate the INDIA bloc's protests across the country.

Venugopal has also acquired the unenviable distinction of being held accountable for every Congress defeat, wherever it occurs. Even electoral victories do not always spare him criticism, an irony that has become part of his political journey.

Since the days of V K Krishna Menon and A K Antony, few Malayali politicians have had such a visible presence in the corridors of national politics in Delhi. Venugopal took charge as the Congress's general secretary (organisation) in 2019, when the party was at one of its weakest points, struggling to recover from successive electoral defeats and its loss of power at the Centre.

The picture had changed considerably by 2024. The Congress doubled its parliamentary strength compared with its 2019 tally, while the Bharat Jodo Yatra and a series of subsequent agitations helped restore its presence on the streets. In the intervening years, several other opposition parties had lost steam, while the Congress increasingly positioned itself as the platform around which the opposition could rally.

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Today, the party is seeking to reclaim its role not merely as the principal opposition but also as a force capable of bringing together diverse political groups, accommodating their differences and leading collective resistance. Much of the organisational work behind this transformation has fallen to Venugopal. In this conversation, he discusses the Congress's return to protest politics, the challenges of holding the opposition together and his own engagement with the larger political battles shaping the country.

Q. Will the Congress and the INDIA bloc succeed in achieving their goals?
The Congress and the INDIA bloc are not fighting for some distant goal. The struggle itself is another freedom movement, a battle to protect the Constitution that made this country what it is and safeguard its constitutional institutions. And the struggle is already making headway.

Several decisions taken by the Election Commission in response to our campaign bear testimony to this. The Commission decided that voters who could not be traced need not be summoned for hearings. It announced that the existing Form 6 could be used without modifications and launched an intensive drive to include voters left out of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) process. It also barred the mass submission of Form 7 applications seeking the deletion of names from electoral rolls.

A committee was constituted to audit the Commission's unified portal. The SIR exercise was announced in 17 States and Union Territories, while the process was extended in six others. The Commission also decided to provide political parties with soft copies of electoral rolls and dropped the requirement of an affidavit along with Form 6. Responsibility for the Commission's IT platforms was also shifted, and voters in areas where the SIR is under way were given another opportunity to submit their enumeration forms. These developments show that our sustained campaign is yielding results. We are taking the fight forward in phases and securing victories along the way.

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Q. Even a rally attended by 10 lakh people failed to secure Gyanesh Kumar's resignation. Do you really think this agitation can achieve that?
Have we not brought so many political parties together on a common platform? Have we not mobilised thousands of people in Delhi? And have we not kept the agitation going for so many days? I am confident that this struggle will achieve its goal. Gyanesh Kumar will have to step down, and the people will reclaim democratic India. We have a clear strategy to take this fight forward.

Q. The Congress has been at the forefront of agitations, but electoral victories still seem elusive. How do you explain that?
One important achievement of this campaign is that it has made party workers more aware of the possible manipulation of the electoral process and electronic voting machines. The Congress and the INDIA bloc have been working together to build that awareness.

Despite the BJP's attempts to manipulate elections by bringing constitutional institutions under its control and using money power, the Congress has managed to win several hard-fought battles. In South India, barring Andhra Pradesh and Puducherry, either the Congress or its allies are in power. We are also in power in Himachal Pradesh. In 2018, we won Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. In 2017, we gave the BJP a tough fight in Gujarat. In Goa and the northeastern States, the BJP formed governments by subverting the people's mandate through money, intimidation and inducements.

We are fighting against enormous odds. Constitutional institutions are not impartial, we do not have the backing of powerful business interests or money power, and the media is not on our side. The government is also using various means to target and harass us. Yet, we have overcome these challenges, stayed the course and continued to fight.

Q. Is the Congress hesitant to work with organisations such as the CJP in the current agitation?
We have no doubts about their commitment or sincerity. But it was the Congress and Rahul Gandhi who first raised the issue of electoral manipulation. Our suspicions began when the BJP won Haryana, contrary to the predictions of every opinion poll and exit poll. The same thing happened in Maharashtra.

Rahul Gandhi then took up the issue and set up special teams to investigate it. We began by examining a constituency in Karnataka, where we found serious irregularities. That led to a more detailed investigation, which eventually brought the issue of vote theft into the open. The differences of opinion that subsequently emerged within the Election Commission itself only strengthened the credibility of our allegations. That was when people began taking to the streets.

The same was true of the NEET examination irregularities. The Congress was the first to flag the issue and take to the streets demanding action.

Congress party leader Rahul Gandhi (centre, L) along with India's opposition alliance, the INDIA bloc (Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance), leaders leaves to participate in a protest at Rajghat in New Delhi on October 8, 2026 against the country's Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar calling for his resignation over alleged irregularities in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. Photo: AFP

Q. Many regard Rahul as an idealistic and combative leader. But do people see him as someone who can lead the country?
Rahul is someone who listens to everyone with an open mind. He has the ability and generosity to understand and accommodate all sections of India's diverse society. He studies issues in depth, understands the challenges facing the country and thinks seriously about finding solutions. Above all, he is not afraid to engage directly with people.

The BJP projects Narendra Modi as an all-powerful leader. But has he held even a single press conference since becoming Prime Minister in 2014? Rahul Gandhi, on the other hand, has interacted with the media on numerous occasions. His views and ideas are out in the open, and journalists and the public have every opportunity to question him. He also responds to those questions.

Rahul Gandhi has no backing from big business houses, powerful media networks or the government. Yet, he continues to stand with the people and enjoys their affection.

Q. What do you have to say about the allegations the BJP repeatedly makes about Rahul Gandhi's foreign visits and other activities?
The government has access to all the details of his travels. Aren't intelligence agencies constantly monitoring him? The government is, in fact, in the best position to know that there is nothing suspicious about his visits. It has all the information and knows the details better than anyone else.

Q. You often find yourself taking the blame when the Congress loses elections, and even when some decisions lead to victories. How do you deal with that?
This is a hot seat. Though decisions are taken collectively by the party, they are often communicated through the general secretary (organisation), and I end up bearing the brunt of the criticism. When decisions affect individuals, they too turn against me. I faced challenges from Delhi when I first took on the responsibility of general secretary (organisation). I overcame them through organisational skills and hard work.

I come from a humble rural background. I entered politics through the KSU and Youth Congress, gradually working my way up. I took part in agitations, faced police brutality and went to jail. Those experiences have prepared me to face all kinds of adversity.

My political convictions are rooted in the values of the Indian Constitution. I am not someone who waits for luck to turn things around. In my early days in Delhi, even my inability to speak Hindi fluently was held against me. Today, I understand the language well. Though I may not speak it fluently, I can communicate. I prefer to ignore personal attacks and not allow them to distract me.

Q. How do you deal with personal attacks?
We are out on the streets fighting for issues that are far more important than any personal attack. I will never do anything that puts the party on the defensive or brings it a bad name. I have never spoken against the party or its leaders, and I never will. I have also never made internal party matters public or leaked anything from within the party.

Of course, I feel hurt when I am personally targeted. But I never react emotionally. I don't even discuss such things with my family. I have always depended on the party and its workers. I don't believe in seeking support from anyone outside that circle. Nor do I believe in hiring professionals to build my image or making special efforts to project myself.

I have never had a political godfather. I have not even had a cup of tea bought for me by any businessman. When I contested the Lok Sabha election from Alappuzha in 2009, I turned down an offer of gifts from a black sand mining company. At the time, people in Arattupuzha and Thrikkunnapuzha, both in my constituency, were protesting against black sand mining. I have always stood with the people.

Priyanka Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, VD Satheesan, Mallikarjun Kharge, KC Venugopal, Sunny Joseph and Ramesh Chennithala ahead of UDF ministers' swearing-in ceremony on May 18, 2026. Photo: PRD

Q. Are you happy with the way the State government is functioning?
The government is doing quite well.

Q. When will the KPCC get a full-time president?
The leadership is focused on the ongoing agitation and the elections in some States that are coming up soon after it. Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge know the situation in Kerala very well. No discussions have started on this yet. The stories appearing in the media are being floated by different quarters. Please don't involve me in all that.