According to Shyam S Salim, Principal Scientist at CMFRI, younger Malayalis are losing interest in fishing due to climate risks, unstable incomes and the aspiration for white-collar jobs.

According to Shyam S Salim, Principal Scientist at CMFRI, younger Malayalis are losing interest in fishing due to climate risks, unstable incomes and the aspiration for white-collar jobs.

According to Shyam S Salim, Principal Scientist at CMFRI, younger Malayalis are losing interest in fishing due to climate risks, unstable incomes and the aspiration for white-collar jobs.

They may have had their cup of woes full with poor catch and unpredictable weather, but there is something even distressing for the fisherfolk in Kerala. Migrants are eating into the jobs and perhaps their legacy, going by the recent findings of a study by ICAR–Central Marine Fisheries Research Institute (CMFRI).

It shows that nearly 58 per cent of the workforce in the fisheries sector now comprises labourers from Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Odisha and other states. Migrants also account for half of post-harvest workers and 40 per cent of fish market staff. A study on in-migration, informal employment and urbanisation in Kerala by the state planning board in 2021 surveyed migrant workers in 23 sectors and fishing was not included under the survey.

The study had then showed that that most of the migrants were engaged in low paid low skilled jobs in Kerala and about 16 per cent of the sample migrant (out of 5,000 total migrants) were working in construction sector and brick kilns; while about 13 per cent were found engaged in furniture & wood works; and about 10 per cent were engaged in plastic industries. Fishing did not find mention in this study which indicates that migrant labourers have unearthed new potential in this sector quite recently.

According to Shyam S Salim, Principal Scientist at CMFRI, younger Malayalis are losing interest in fishing due to climate risks, unstable incomes and the aspiration for white-collar jobs.

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“The average age of a migrant labourer is 25 to 35, while that of a native worker is above 35. Fewer youngsters are interested in the job because of the vagaries of nature and the low social status attached to it. Even the second generation of migrants are moving away. They want to stay in Kerala for 10–20 years, earn enough, and leave,” he said, comparing the trend to Gulf migration.

Jackson Pollayil of the Swathanthra Matsya Thozhilali Federation, which represents small-scale fishermen, does not buy the finding that migrants are eating into their jobs.

A fishing boat at Payyambalam. Photo: Manorama
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“The traditional boats are still handled by Malayalis. Owners of motorised boats prefer migrants because they don’t have many requirements. Wages are based on catch minus operational costs, which for a large boat can reach ₹30,000 a trip. When the catch is poor or weather warnings keep us from the sea, wages fall. Earlier, workers stayed with a boat for the entire season, but now many leave if work is not good. Migrants also don’t commit for long,” he said.

Jackson added that northern districts have more youth in fishing compared to Kochi and Alappuzha. “While many avoid their parents’ profession due to its low status, some return during the six-month fishing season,” he said.

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Shyam explained that migration is driven by both push and pull factors: “Poverty and unemployment push workers out of their home states, while better pay, high demand and Kerala’s welfare system pull them in.”

Another paper by him noted that Kerala has the highest Human Development Index (HDI) in India. The state’s Fisher Development Index (FDI), which measures social status, economic wellbeing, technology use and resource sustainability, rose from 0.549 in 2005 to 0.684 in 2016. Life expectancy remained high, literacy improved, and income indices rose from 0.364 to 0.577. Yet, fishers in Kerala scored much lower on HDI compared to the general population. This partly explains why migrants find the sector more attractive than locals.

The ICAR-CMFRI study also flagged income differences. Migrants earn about ₹25,000 in harvest centres compared to ₹30,000 for natives, and just ₹11,000 in post-harvest units. While Malayalis save 20–30 per cent and invest in housing and education, migrants remit up to 75 per cent, often living on boats with minimal expenses.

A fisherman dries fish. File Photo: AFP

“The wage gap is also due to skills. Malayalis are usually skippers or engine drivers, earning 1–2 per cent more than trawl labourers. These roles demand expertise and are often held by Malayalis or Tamilians,” Shyam said. Jackson agreed, adding that migrants are mostly hired as helpers.

The findings suggest that while Kerala’s fishing sector remains vital to the state’s economy, its labour dynamics are shifting rapidly. With migrants forming the backbone of the industry and younger Malayalis moving away, sustainability depends on policies that address labour shortages, improve working conditions and raise the social status of fishers.

According to Jackson, government intervention is key. “What we need most are proper safety equipment suited for fishing, not tourist life jackets; insurance cover; and reduced licence and welfare fund costs, which are disproportionately high. A big boat needs ₹25,000 for licence renewal plus ₹9,000 for welfare board fees annually.”

Earlier, kerosene subsidies helped, but with fuel subsidies withdrawn, diesel and petrol costs are unbearable. If the government wants to modernise fuel use with gas or cleaner energy, subsidies must continue. Without such support, the younger generation will keep leaving, and the sector will struggle despite Kerala’s long fishing tradition,” he said.