AICC Working Committee member Ramesh Chennithala said that a tacit understanding between Pinarayi Vijayan and Narendra Modi is evident in the Kerala assembly election, which is reflected through the lack of action on cases against the Chief Minister.

Excerpts from his interaction with the editorial team of Malayala Manorama:

Q: As the election campaign gains momentum, what does the political landscape currently look like?

A: A highly favourable atmosphere has emerged for the UDF, even in regions such as Central Kerala where it underperformed in the previous elections. There are also strong prospects for significant gains in the southern districts.

How would you compare the 2021 Assembly elections with the current situation?

The 2021 elections were held under the shadow of COVID-19, which significantly constrained campaigning. The government also benefited from the perception of being a saviour during the pandemic, and its shortcomings did not receive the scrutiny they warranted. Today, however, people across all sections are seeking a change in governance, and there is a strong anti-incumbency sentiment. The guarantees promised by the UDF have resonated widely, drawing strong support, particularly from women.

The LDF is projecting the Chief Minister as its central figure, but the UDF does not seem to have a similar face, does it?

The Congress does not fight elections by projecting a single leader. Everyone stands united with a shared purpose. The sole agenda before us is to win the election.

Aren't you also being considered a Chief Ministerial candidate?

No, that is a decision for the party to make. Regardless of whether I am given a position or not, I am not someone who would create dissent within the party. I have never been one to chase positions or titles.

Have you arrived at any understanding with K C Venugopal and V D Satheesan regarding the Chief Minister's post?

We have not even discussed that subject. Both Mallikarjun Kharge and Rahul Gandhi have made it clear that the decision will be taken by the high command.

Will the BJP be able to open its account in the Assembly again?

The CPM is indeed attempting to help the BJP secure seats, but we are determined to prevent that. They have no real chance of winning, including in Nemom.

If the UDF fails, will there be another change in the Leader of the Opposition, as happened last time?

There is no question of such a situation arising. We are confident of coming to power.

The UDF campaign has been highlighting a CPM–BJP deal. What do you make of that?

This understanding existed even last time. Back then, after the BJP, the BDJS was the key ally in the NDA. This time, however, Twenty20 has entered the picture. What does it mean when a party with presence only in Kunnathunad is allocated 19 seats? Even the candidates fielded by BDJS and other parties are largely unknown. The intention is to divert votes in those constituencies to benefit the CPM.

This is a direct understanding between Narendra Modi and Pinarayi Vijayan. During his last visit to Delhi, Pinarayi even met Amit Shah at his residence. The Chief Minister rarely criticises either Modi or Amit Shah, whether inside or outside the Assembly. The inaction of central agencies in cases against Pinarayi underscores this arrangement. People are beginning to see through it all.

Pinarayi Vijayan has criticised Rahul Gandhi, who has raised allegations of a deal, calling him an immature leader. What is your response?

What kind of maturity does this Chief Minister have? His true maturity is revealed when he speaks in his own words, rather than merely reading out a prepared script.

Both the UDF and LDF are trading accusations over support from the SDPI, PDP and the Welfare Party. How do you respond?

The SDPI and PDP have openly declared their support for the LDF. Ironically, it is those seeking support from these hardline groups who are criticising the Welfare Party's declaration of support for the UDF. We have no formal alliance or understanding with the Welfare Party; we are simply not opposing them when they express a willingness to vote for the UDF. That's all.

The NSS and SNDP have taken positions favourable to the government, haven't they?

They are maintaining an equi-distant stance, which poses no opposition to us.

Last time, Kerala Congress (M) leaving the UDF proved to be a setback for the front in Central Travancore. Why did efforts to bring them back fail?

The local body elections clearly showed that they no longer have the influence they once claimed in Central Travancore. Even in the parliamentary elections, they faced defeat. Nevertheless, they were part of the UDF and we had no objection to their return. The matter was settled after internal differences within the party made it clear that they had no interest in returning.

People close to you, including Joseph Vazhakkan and Eldose Kunnappilly, were not given seats. Why is that?

While I had hoped Vazhakkan would get a seat, certain factors made it impossible. I felt it was unfair not to allow Kunnappilly to contest when all other sitting MLAs were standing again, but some circumstances worked against it.

The LDF's campaign is focused on the development projects it has executed. What is your take on this?

What real development have they actually delivered that brings meaningful change to the lives of people in Kerala? They have put up massive boards and displays using government funds and party money, sourced through scams. We are not going to respond with similar boards. Voters will support us just by seeing the displays they have put up.

If the UDF comes to power, what will be its key priorities?

Our priority will be to stem the flow of students going out for education and employment. We aim to establish quality institutions in higher education and promote investments that generate more job opportunities. Sectors like IT and tourism hold great potential. We will also prioritise port-related development and give importance to welfare programmes for senior citizens.

Didn't the allocation of seats to leaders, including those who joined from the CPM, cause resentment within the party?

The stir caused by G Sudhakaran contesting after leaving the party is significant and is being felt across Kerala. The issues raised by senior CPM leaders like T K Govindan and V Kunhikrishnan in Kannur are also important. Govindan has considerable backing behind him. Similarly, most of the attendees at P K Sasi's convention in Palakkad belonged to CPM factions. Such internal tensions are uncommon in the CPM.

Are issues like the Sabarimala gold robbery receiving enough attention in the campaign?

That is one of the most important issues in the campaign this time.