Kozhikode: The conspicuous silence of Sunni organisations over the UDF’s association with the Welfare Party of India (WPI), widely regarded as the political arm of Jamaat-e-Islami, has added a new dimension to the poll scene in Malabar, where the LDF is riling up the IUML with incessant comments on an understanding with the Jamaat-e-Islami.

Sunni groups had strongly opposed the WPI's support to the UDF in the 2025 local body elections. In February 2026, the Samastha had passed a resolution against the theocratic ideology of the Jamaat-e-Islami at the centenary conference. Now, the Sunni groups have largely fallen silent.

This shift is particularly significant given the role Sunni bodies, especially factions of Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama, played in shaping discourse around the Jamaat-e-Islami-linked-WPI in the recent past. Their earlier resistance was vocal and ideologically firm. The absence of similar reactions now, despite clearer political alignment between the UDF and WPI, has raised questions about whether this silence signals a tactical pause or a broader recalibration.

Earlier, when the UDF entered into local-level arrangements with WPI candidates across multiple districts during local body polls, the move triggered sharp criticism from Sunni leadership, with Samastha factions even passing resolutions against the alliance. The concern was rooted in ideological differences, particularly over Jamaat-e-Islami’s perceived religious-political framework.

Despite such opposition, the UDF went ahead and fielded candidates in several local body divisions in coordination with the WPI. Now, ahead of the assembly elections, WPI announced it would not contest but instead extend full support to UDF candidates across constituencies. UDF leaders, including those from the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), welcomed the decision, reinforcing perceptions of a deepening political understanding. IUML state general secretary PMA Salam said that UDF has no link with Jama-ate-Islami, but only with WPI, which clarifies the front's stern stand on the issue.

This development has renewed questions about the current stance of Sunni organisations. Earlier, leaders within Samastha had openly warned against engagement with Jamaat-e-Islami. During the local body poll campaign last year, Samastha joint secretary Umar Faizi Mukkam had cautioned against the group’s influence, alleging that it pursued a form of religious nationalism and operated through multiple fronts to expand its reach.

Similarly, senior Samastha leader Abdul Hameed Faizy Ambalakadavu had linked Jamaat-e-Islami ideologically to the Muslim Brotherhood, warning that any dilution of Samastha’s traditional distance from such movements could have long-term consequences for the community.

Media platforms aligned with Sunni factions had also echoed these concerns. Articles in publications like Siraj criticised the UDF’s position, arguing that claims of the WPI’s independence from Jamaat-e-Islami were unconvincing.

But, during the run-up to the assembly poll, neither organisational leadership nor affiliated media outlets have issued strong reactions to the UDF’s apparent openness to WPI support. This silence has drawn attention within political circles, with observers interpreting it as either a tactical restraint or a shift in priorities amid evolving electoral dynamics.

The Welfare Party of India, founded in 2011 by activists linked to Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, has maintained a fluid political positioning over the years. While it has collaborated with Left groups on issue-based campaigns such as anti-CAA protests, it has also aligned with the UDF in electoral contexts, including the last two local body elections and the 2021 assembly polls.

In the 2021 elections, the WPI contested 19 constituencies but saw a decline in its vote share compared to previous outings. In some constituencies, its candidates even polled fewer votes than NOTA. Critics had alleged that the party selectively contested in UDF strongholds, indirectly aiding the coalition.

With the WPI now opting out of direct contest and backing the UDF, the absence of renewed criticism from Sunni organisations has added a new layer of complexity to Kerala’s evolving electoral narrative.

Political observer and writer M N Karassery opined that the silence of major Sunni organisations over the UDF–WPI tie-up should not be seen as a shift in their stance towards Jamaat-e-Islami. Instead, he described it as a deliberate move rooted in electoral pragmatism.

“In local body elections, the WPI can influence outcomes in certain wards. But in Assembly elections, it does not hold significant sway. Perhaps that is why Sunni organisations are not raising strong objections to the alliance,” he noted.

Meanwhile, political analyst G Gopakumar viewed the silence as a calculated and tactical decision. He pointed out that it would be incorrect to assume that Sunni organisations endorse the ideology of Jamaat-e-Islami.

“They are choosing not to oppose the WPI’s support for the UDF because they do not want to disturb a political situation that is currently favourable to the UDF in Kerala. There appears to be a degree of Muslim consolidation benefiting the UDF. Organisations like Samastha do not want to disrupt this by raising the WPI issue, unlike during the local body elections,” he said.